Teaching Computer Ethics in the Classroom :: essays research papers

Teaching Computer Ethics in the Classroom The computer is considered one of the most technological advances of the twentieth century. As the general public becomes increasingly ‘computer literate,' the gap between technology and peoples' intellect notably shrinks. The readily available computers, software, and assorted output devices have enlightened many but, in turn, have increased the using of computers for unethical activities, privacy invasion and illegal purposes. Legal sanctions against abusive use of computers are a reactive approach. A proactive approach is to teach students about computer ethics in classrooms. An effective teaching method are the presentation of ethical scenarios. It is anticipated that through this method, students will personalize the need for developing ethical standards of behavior. The ultimate goal is for students, if necessary, to change their set of personal beliefs to include ethics. INTRODUCTION The computer is considered one of the most important technological advances of the twentieth century. Security and privacy issues have been in existence long before the computer became a vital component of organizations' operations. Nevertheless, the operating features of a computer make it a double-edged sword. Computer technologies with reliable error detection and recording capabilities, permit the invasion of a supposedly secure environment to occur on a grand scale and go undetected. Furthermore, computer and communications technology permit the invasion of a persons' privacy and likewise go undetected. Two forces threaten privacy: one, the growth of information technology with its enhanced capacity for surveillance, communication, computation, storage and retrieval and two, the more insidious threat, the increased value of information in decision making. Information has become more vital in the competitive environment, thus, decision makers covet it even if it viol! ates another's privacy. Violation of ones personal privacy, via computers, may in part be due to the incomplete understanding of responsibility on the part of those involved. Is it a management or a technical concern? Ethical standards that evolved over the history of Western civilization deal with interpersonal relationships. What is right or wrong? What one should do and not do when dealing with other people. Ethical behavior in a business environment has not been as clearly defined. When businesses were small and the property of a few individuals, traditional ethical standards were applied to meet different situations. However, as businesses became larger, the interpersonal ethical relations did not provide any clear behavioral guidelines. Likewise, the principles of ethical relationships were even less pertinent to the corporate environments. Teaching Computer Ethics in the Classroom :: essays research papers Teaching Computer Ethics in the Classroom The computer is considered one of the most technological advances of the twentieth century. As the general public becomes increasingly ‘computer literate,' the gap between technology and peoples' intellect notably shrinks. The readily available computers, software, and assorted output devices have enlightened many but, in turn, have increased the using of computers for unethical activities, privacy invasion and illegal purposes. Legal sanctions against abusive use of computers are a reactive approach. A proactive approach is to teach students about computer ethics in classrooms. An effective teaching method are the presentation of ethical scenarios. It is anticipated that through this method, students will personalize the need for developing ethical standards of behavior. The ultimate goal is for students, if necessary, to change their set of personal beliefs to include ethics. INTRODUCTION The computer is considered one of the most important technological advances of the twentieth century. Security and privacy issues have been in existence long before the computer became a vital component of organizations' operations. Nevertheless, the operating features of a computer make it a double-edged sword. Computer technologies with reliable error detection and recording capabilities, permit the invasion of a supposedly secure environment to occur on a grand scale and go undetected. Furthermore, computer and communications technology permit the invasion of a persons' privacy and likewise go undetected. Two forces threaten privacy: one, the growth of information technology with its enhanced capacity for surveillance, communication, computation, storage and retrieval and two, the more insidious threat, the increased value of information in decision making. Information has become more vital in the competitive environment, thus, decision makers covet it even if it viol! ates another's privacy. Violation of ones personal privacy, via computers, may in part be due to the incomplete understanding of responsibility on the part of those involved. Is it a management or a technical concern? Ethical standards that evolved over the history of Western civilization deal with interpersonal relationships. What is right or wrong? What one should do and not do when dealing with other people. Ethical behavior in a business environment has not been as clearly defined. When businesses were small and the property of a few individuals, traditional ethical standards were applied to meet different situations. However, as businesses became larger, the interpersonal ethical relations did not provide any clear behavioral guidelines. Likewise, the principles of ethical relationships were even less pertinent to the corporate environments.

Leader More Feared than Loved: Evaluating Chapter 17

A leader is someone who is followed by others. All managers are not leaders, but good leaders can be good managers. Those who are not trusted or respected by their employees may fail when attempting to institute something new. They can tell everyone to do something, and even show them how, but the employees do not embrace the new program and it may not succeed. Employees, on the other hand, will embrace a new program (even if they don't particularly like it) simply because they trust the manager's judgment and vision.We have heard about military leaders who led their troops into dangerous, near-certain death situations. On the other hand, we heard about soldiers in Vietnam who assassinated officers rather than obey them. Why would soldiers in the first example follow the officer into battle knowing they would probably be killed, while those in the second case not only refused to follow, but actually went so far as to kill the officer? Was it because of the cause or because of the off icer?Niccolà ² Machiavelli wrote The Prince during the Renaissance in sixteenth-century Florence, Italy. It was one of the first texts on leadership. Machiavelli was a government official during a period of warfare and political intrigue between city-states vying for hegemony, and he had a cynical view of human nature, believing that people were motivated by very narrow self-interest.Most highlighted in the book is Machiavelli’s dictum, found in Chapter 17, which advised the leader or prince that it was better to be feared than to be loved by the governed because love is a fickle emotion, whereas fear is constant. In other words, survival is a basic human instinct that dominates other emotions. Machiavelli also suggested that a leader should engage in lies or deceptions for the good of society, as long as he appears to be virtuous to the people.The leader should be fair yet tough, harshly punishing disloyal subjects to discourage others from engaging in treason. Machiavelli believed that the aristocrats close in stature to the prince posed the greatest threat to his welfare and that the prince had to use cunning and intrigue to keep them off balance. Thus, he warned the leader not to trust his peers. He believed that an effective leader forms alliances of convenience with some enemies to keep more powerful enemies off balance.Summarizing Chapter 17At the beginning of Chapter 17 of The Prince, Machiavelli purports that there is no doubt that the leader must have compassion.   Similar to being generous, compassion is usually admired by everyone. However, Machiavelli warned that a prince must be careful that he does not show compassion indiscriminately. If a prince is too compassionate, and does not adequately punish disloyal subjects, he creates an atmosphere of disorder, since his subjects take the liberty to do what they please—even to the extremes of murder and theft. With this, Machiavelli envisioned that these crimes might harm the entire c ommunity, whereas executions harm only the individuals who commit crimes.Thus, Machiavelli suggested that some degree of cruelty is necessary to maintain order in a particular community. However, the prince must heed the warning of being judicious in terms of his decisions with regards to cruelty; it should be coupled with critical judgement, humanity and prudence.At this point, Machiavelli reflected on whether is it better off being feared or being loved. Ideally, a prince should be both loved and feared, but this condition is nearly perfect and difficult to attain. So Machiavelli deemed, when forced to make a choice, it is much better to be feared than loved. This is because men, by nature, are â€Å"ungrateful, fickle, dissembling, anxious to flee danger, and covetous of gain.† This decision is most applicable during times of danger or emergencies, it is easier to break a bond of love when the situation arises, but the fear of punishment is always effective, regardless of the situation.Yet, Machiavelli reminded that when choosing to generate fear, a prince must be wary to avoid inducing hatred. This is for the reason that the leader must make sure that every move he makes are properly justified and agreeable to majority of his people. Most importantly, leaders should not abuse his authority by taking the property of his subjects or take their women, since these actions are most likely to breed hatred. If a prince must confiscate property, he must make sure he has a convincing reason. With one’s army, however, there is no such thing as too much cruelty. Keeping an army disciplined and united requires cruelty, even inhuman cruelty.In a nutshell, Chapter 17 of The Prince argues that it is better for a prince to be severe when punishing people rather than merciful because severity through death sentences affects only a few, but it discourages crimes which affects many people. Moreover, Machiavelli ultimately recommended that it is better to be fea red than to be loved. But Machiavelli warned of the prince should avoid being hated, which he can easily accomplish by not taking away the property of his subjects: â€Å"people more quickly forget the death of their father than the loss of their inheritance.†Man of No Virtueâ€Å"The man of virtà º has no virtue.†Ã‚   This statement does adequately describe one of Machiavelli’s position in The Prince.   Machiavelli can be seen as a supporter of Remigio and Dante, rather than Aristotle. Throughout his treatise, Machiavelli most definitely strives to achieve peace, but he feels that virtue is not necessary.   Rather, Machiavelli suggests that peace should be the sole legitimizing factor of a ruler.   A good ruler should simply rule by whatever means necessary to achieve peace.   A good ruler ignores virtue and must be practical, rather than impractical.   The practical ruler is tightfisted, justly cruel, feared and respected, dependent on subject loyal ty, and able to use advisers as tools.First and foremost, what is the difference between virtà º and virtue?   A person who is said to possess virtue is commonly seen as a person who is of high moral excellence and upright goodness.   Common virtues include prudence, courage, and practicality.   Virtues are most often found in people who are seen as good.   Virtà º, while extremely similar to virtue, is not quite the same thing in terms of Machiavelli’s usage of the word.   On pages 103 and 104 in Appendix B of The Prince, virtà º is defined.   It is defined as having various senses, which include, â€Å"ability, skill, energy, determination, strength, spiritedness, courage, or prowess.†Ã‚   The common reader might interpret all of these senses as differing aspects of virtue.   Also, a good ruler is commonly perceived as having virtue or even virtà º.   However, Machiavelli had something a little different in mind.Normally, the term virtà º is most ly frequently used synonymously with the term virtue.   Machiavelli uses the term a little differently.   On page 104, it states that, â€Å"Machiavelli’s use of the word has overtones of ‘ruthlessness,’ which is not a characteristic of a good man.†Ã‚   Of course, the word which is being described is virtà º.   On the same page of Appendix B, virtà º is properly defined in Machiavellian terms.   It states, â€Å"Virtà º, then, in this usual sense (or set of senses) denotes qualities that may have been combined with ‘villainy†¦Ã¢â‚¬ Ã‚   Therefore, Machiavelli is generally arguing that the man of villainy and ruthlessness has no moral excellence and upright goodness.   Since good leaders possess virtà º, good leaders must thereby be villainous and even nefarious.   This can be seen throughout the whole of The Prince.Throughout The Prince, Machiavelli argues that in order to be an excellent ruler, one must possess virtà º.   V irtue is definitely not necessary under a Machiavellian form of rule.   According to Machiavelli, a good ruler is one who is in control and will do whatever is necessary to be successful.   The most notable examples can be found in chapters fifteen through twenty-three.In chapter 15 of The Prince, Machiavelli gives his first argument as to why rulers should be ruthless.   On page 55, Machiavelli states, â€Å"Yet one should not be troubled about becoming notorious for those vices without which it is difficult to preserve one’s power†¦Ã¢â‚¬ Ã‚   On the same page, Machiavelli goes on to write, â€Å"†¦doing some things that seem virtuous may result in one’s ruin, whereas doing other things that seem vicious may strengthen one’s position and cause one to flourish.†Ã‚   Essentially, Machiavelli is saying that a superb ruler should not worry about possessing virtue.   A proper ruler should have no problem with making friends with vice, so l ong as in doing so the ruler is being practical and successful.   After all, there is no reason to be ruthless without practicality.   The only reason for a lack of practicality would be sheer and blatant ignorance.In chapter sixteen of The Prince, Machiavelli goes on to write that a good ruler should not be overly generous.   On page 57, Machiavelli states that the charitable ruler will rule while, â€Å"†¦being despised and hated; and generosity will lead to both.†Ã‚   This emphasizes the fact that a tight-fisted ruler will be more popular, and thereby, the better ruler.   A ruler who is parsimonious will have money when it is necessary.   Machiavelli stresses this on page 56.   Rulers who do not waste their money on building projects, artistic patronage, or friendly gifts, will have plenty of money when it is needed, say when a rival state rises up to attack.   A ruler who is tight-fisted also would not need to tax his subjects as much as a generous rule r.   A generous ruler would need constant high taxes due to his lavish expenditure or open-handedness.   Of course, generosity is a virtue; and in order to posses virtà º, and hence, a good rule, generosity must be left in the dirt.   Therefore, the man who is tight-fisted has no virtue.Machiavelli’s next argument as to why the ruler of virtà º can have no virtue comes in the next chapter, that is, chapter seventeen.   When comparing the cruel and feared ruler to the merciful and loved ruler, the cruel and feared ruler is the exceedingly better ruler.   After all, Machiavelli states on page 59, â€Å"†¦it is much safer to be feared than loved.†Ã‚   Cruelty is needed to maintain order. If a ruler is cruel to simply those who disobey the law, the lawbreakers alone will suffer.   Hence, the people under the ruler will learn not to break the law, due to fear of punishment.   Therefore, peaceful order will surely ensue.   However, if he is excessively kind and lets public order break down, everyone suffers from the increase in the excess of subsequent robbery, murder, rape, etc.   Cruelty is most definitely not a virtue; so therefore, Machiavelli agrees again that the man of virtà º lacks any virtue.  Next, on page 64 of chapter nineteen, Machiavelli argues that a ruler becomes despised when he acquires the reputation of being, â€Å"†¦inconstant, frivolous, effeminate, pusillanimous and irresolute: a ruler must avoid contempt as if it were a reef.†Ã‚   In order for a ruler to stay in the people’s favor, he must become none of these.   Rather, a good ruler would constantly try to be the opposite of these.   Thus, a good ruler must be usual and accepted, determined and motivated, masculine and rugged, dauntless and courageous, and resolute and unequivocal.If these qualities are necessary for the best possible ruler, that ruler should have no problem in trying to attain and maintain these qualities.   Again, the ruler should not bother with virtue.   Rather, he or she should attempt whatever in their power is necessary to achieve and preserve these qualities.   Also, although some people may view these qualities as virtuous, they are still to be attained through whatever means necessary.   This is a quality of a man of virtà º.   Virtue must be placed aside while attempting to gain these qualities.Following this argument comes one which involves the importance of a fortress.   On page 76, Machiavelli states, â€Å"†¦I criticize anyone who relies upon fortresses, and does not worry about incurring the hatred of the people.†Ã‚   Despite the great importance of military power, a ruler who bases his rule on building fortresses to intimidate and threaten his subjects cannot rule securely. The subjects would simply not tolerate it.   More than likely, they would look for assistance elsewhere, such as a foreign power, and overthrow the ruler.   Therefore, the single best fortress that a ruler can have is the loyalty of his or her subjects.Without subject loyalty a ruler is useless.   In order to maintain subject loyalty, a ruler must be good.   In order to be a good ruler he or she must be feared by the subjects, as well as be cruel and tight-fisted.   Again, this emphasizes the fact that the best possible ruler can posses no virtue.A final argument is brought forth in chapters twenty-two and twenty-three.   On page 80, Machiavelli states, â€Å"The choosing of ministers is a very important matter for a ruler: whether or not they are good depends on whether he is shrewd or not.†Ã‚   A prince needs able advisers.   If the ruler chooses wise advisors, the subjects of the ruler will take him or her to be wise as well.   Also, just like the subjects of the rulers, advisers should also be loyal and fearful of the ruler.   The ruler must act the same way towards his advisors as he or she does to the subjects.   This wil l show the people that they are no different from the advisors.   No jealously would ensue and no rights would be violated.   Although, there was no specific rule regarding rights at the time, the subjects would no doubt at least feel inferior.   Thus, rule would be maintained by virtà º and not by virtue, as was previously stated, because cruelty is needed to maintain peace.Machiavelli goes on in chapter twenty-tree to describe more specifically how a ruler is to properly use his or her advisors.   After a ruler has taken advice from the advisor, he must make up his own mind about policy decisions. A good ruler should not accept unsolicited advice, and he or she should not let the advisers talk the ruler into constantly changing his mind.   This would show everyone that the ruler possesses poor qualities of a ruler.   The ruler must rule, not the advisors.   Again, the ruler must do this by whatever means necessary.   Thus, virtà º is again favored above virtue.Ul timately, in Machiavellian terms, the man of virtà º most definitely does not possess virtue.   The man of virtà º, or the good ruler, must be cruel, feared, tightfisted, reliant on subject allegiance, and able to use advisors as tools.   The man of virtue would never be any of these.   Therefore, the man of virtue would not make a good ruler.   Therefore, Machiavelli definitely does not agree with Aristotle in his opinion that virtue can legitimize a ruler.   Rather, Machiavelli agrees with Remigio and Dante, in that peace can be substituted for virtue.   So long as peace is achieved, a ruler is successful and good.   Peace, through whatever means necessary, is solely legitimizing.ConclusionSome leaders nowadays are still taking their cues from Machiavelli's proposition in Chapter 17 of The Prince, believe that fear is more reliable than love as a means of influencing people. It is true that if someone hates and fears you, his or her behavior may be quite predictabl e. If you have the allies to back up your threats, it may not be necessary for you to get along with the people you work with. But power in public bureaucracy is often a temporary thing, like powerlessness. Yesterday's powerless subordinate may be tomorrow's powerful boss.Machiavelli proposed that it is better to be more feared than loved. You can lead by the force of high moral example. History and experience have proven that it could be done. But it's risky, because people are fickle, and they will abandon you at the first sign of failure. Fear is much more reliable, and lasts longer. Once you show that you are capable of dealing out terrible punishment to your enemies, your power will be far greater.In closer analysis, Machiavelli’s proposition is somewhat more troublesome to apply in today’s hierarchy. At present, it is unusual for any leader to have authority over every aspect of his or her job or status. For example, a supervisor might need the help of the person nel office, if he wants to hire someone. You need the help of the budget staff if you must obtain certain resources and need to move money from one cost center to another. Organizations operate informally, as well as through a formal hierarchy. In order to get things done, you must sometimes exchange favors and information.Thus, the effectiveness of a leader in any organization will be a direct reflection of his or her ability to get along with people. You will find it easier to get your work done if people want to help you because they like you or even because they feel sorry for you. If you are feared or hated, you may get cooperation when people have no choice, but the minute you turn your back, your colleagues will find a thousand ways to undermine your attitude.Working in organizations or leading a community involves a series of exchanges rather than power relationships. Like the rest of society, organizations are more complex in the twenty-first century.   As organizations c hange, downsize, and modernize, complexity does not decrease because organizations increase their use of advanced technology and knowledge. Machiavelli’s proposal that leaders should better be â€Å"feared than loved† would be definitely inappropriate and dangerous, if applied in our time. Just think about the people you step on as you climb up the career ladder might very well see you again on your way down the ladder. Effective leaders should take the long term perspective in considering their strategies.Aggressive leadership does not require you to disregard the feelings of subordinates or co-workers. Leaders who are committed to the long term perspective usually become quite skilled at influencing people and at stroking key individuals within the organization. Thus, as Machiavelli’s proposition might have some good points, it could not be well applicable, if we consider the fast-changing times that, more often than not, frown upon leaders who lash out fear o n their people.Works CitedMachiavelli, N. The Prince. (Anthony Grafton, Introduction; George Bull, trans.). London: Penguin Classics, 1999.

Marriage and Dowry Essay

Woman – a daughter, a sister, a wife and a grandmother, throughout her life she dreams of having a wonderful life, a life to see to it that her marks in the school will make her parents happy, a life to see to it that her husband stays healthy, a life to see to it that her children study for their exams and a life to die seeing others happy. She cares for others, more than herself, then why we see her so much vulnerable in every moment of her life. So many issues to talk about women, rape being the most popular issue on women in the present time, almost all the women, in India, are vulnerable to this offence. But just like rape, the dowry system has affected the women psychologically, physically and emotionally. The dowry system kills her like a slow poison. The custom of dowry, in India, has spread through the hierarchy of social stratification. Several feminists suggest that the practice was initially adopted by the upper castes, then over a period of time it has been passed down into lower castes, and eventually reaches the untouchables, the outcasts. As the sociological studies suggests, often lower groups intend to copy there dominant group in there society. India ranks 136, in Human Development Index, among 187 counties around the world. This show, the people in India are in very bad condition and more than half of the population lives in poverty. The reason for poverty in India, if we look historically, it is because of the caste system, which restricted half of the population, in India, to develop, as even in present time 66% of Dalits are poor, and if we look in present time, education has deprived the poor from getting a better standards of living. It is these poorer sections as well as the middle class of our country who, not being educated and having good standard of living are still governed by old customs and traditions and continue to practise the dowry system, were in the name of gifting the groom the bride’s family is put into debt. But even in many rich families too, this system is being followed, even though they are well educated. The sums of cash and goods involved, as dowry, are often so large that the payment can lead to vicious cycle of debt in the bridal family. This has a very bad effect on the lives of unmarried women who are considered as economic liabilities by their parents, this leads to preference of boy over girl, leading to female infanticide and among the married women; they are physically and mentally harmed by their husbands and his family members, if promised dowry are not forthcoming. Modernization in India has became a barrier to many customs to be continued, like the caste system, the child marriage etc. but modernization has also lead to increase in practise of certain customs which were restricted to certain communities, as mentioned above. When we see caste, dowry and modernization, they are all inter linked with each other. With modernization, individual is not restricted to do his caste occupation and has chances to have good standard of living. Since new income and earning opportunities, brought about by modernization, are predominantly filled by men, there price tag of dowry increased. After analysing the historical developments of dowry system among the people in India, who are governed under Hindu law, now let us look at the Muslims, who are the 2nd largest population in India. Despite the fact that Islam’s beauty lies in simplicity and it recommends simple marriage, some transgressions such as dowry have crept into Muslim society in a wide range. When we look through Quran, we come across â€Å"Mahr†. According to â€Å"mahr† it is a mandatory payment, in the form of money or possessions paid by the groom, or by groom’s father, to the bride at the time of marriage that legally becomes bride’s property. But as time has passed by, Muslims have changed their character and are following their Hindu counterparts in demanding and offering dowry both, in heavy cash and kind. The competition among the rich and well-to-do section of the Muslim community to reserve a good match for their daughters for whatever the demand is, has increased. Education has hardly has any influence on the minds of the people in respect of dowry. On the contrary, a highly educated man expects a higher amount of dowry, just as it happens among the Hindus. The violence committed on women, for dowry, has increased in recent times. If we observe properly, as to why this dowry violence takes place, we can see a broader picture. The reason for dowry is mainly because the women are seen as less productive than man, concept of dowry itself shows that one’s gender determines one’s worth. The roots of this deficiency can be seen were even a bride, who may be well educated and earning than her husband, will still have to pay the dowry price, just like the other bride who is not educated and not earning. And in some instances too, were even if demands for dowry were to be satisfied fully, young women would continue to face torture and harassment in their in-laws homes because of women’s custom-sanctioned-inferiority. Dowry deaths are example of patriarchal authority. In some cases, the patriarchal authority expresses itself by murdering the young women by burning with kerosene (most frequent in urban areas) or drowning (common in rural areas). Other methods employed to murder include poisoning and physical battery. These facts and historical development shows that it is because of the disrespect and uncultured behaviour that we show towards women, has lead to female infanticide, uneducated girls, sexual harassment, dowry system, heavy debt in bride’s family and domestic violence. Let us all respect women, and treat them has equals, because only this solution, will lead to abolishment of many social evils against women.

Favorite Food Essay

â€Å"so exactly where are we going again?† I asked my dad while pulling out of our driveway. â€Å"Just wait I know you’ll love this restaurant,† he announced. He was taking me to Espinoza’s, an authentic Mexican restaurant. There was a large window right beside the door when you pull in, with a big, orange, neon sign with the words ESPINOZA’S written in capital letters. My dad opened the door and I led him in. Right when we walked, there was a young girl, about five feet and 3 inches tall, who asked us in an accent if it was just the two of us today. Behind her about eight meters away, was a bar like counter that was higher than normal, for when the chef prepared your meal, he could place it there to be brought to the table. We sat down at our table right beside the big window with the neon sign, a table for four. Two glasses of water were brought to us, by Maria, our waitress, who all the while made suggestions on their selection of other drinks. There was a glass fridge, like the ones at gas stations, directly behind where dad was sitting, and it contained all kinds of carbonated drinks. All the sodas were in glass bottles with classic looking labels, that had Pepsi, Coke, and some other ones with Spanish words on them. Right beside the fridge were two slushy machines. One slushy machine had a red drink called Aqua De Jamaica, and the other one a creamy white one, Horchata. Tamarind and infusions of hibiscus flowers are what give Jamaica its red color. My dad ordered Horchata, which is made from a combination of long grain rice, milk, and sugar. We both sipped on our ice cold drinks, while placing our orders to Maria. As we waited for our food to arrive, I headed towards a jukebox on the opposite side of where we were seated. I flipped through all the tracks of songs and in the end just chose one based on the the picture on the cover of the album. Just as I was heading back to my seat, I saw Maria with a circular tray the size of a tire filled with food. I scurried over to beat her to our table because I wanted to see why dad was so enthusiastic about bringing me to Espinoza’s. What happened next, I will never forget. The smell the awoke every last bit of my senses. An oval plate was placed in front of me, as if I were some royal being. Laid out in perfect layers were nacho chips that looked like a bloomed rose’s petals. On top of the petal-like chips were marinated chicken strips, grilled so you could see the marks on them, showing all of the effort that was put into its cooking. The chicken was seasoned with a blend of zesty Mexican spices. Hints of lemon, paprika, crushed peppers, and onion powder gave tastes of sourness to sweetness with every bite. Sauteed onions, sweet bell peppers, and tomatoes are what completed the next layer. Melted white cheese smothered the beans that were evenly distributed upon every nacho chip that existed on my dish. I took the first bite. Related by more than just the blood in our veins, my father and I are best friends. He has always known me more than I’ve known myself. He brought me to Espinoza’s because we both share a love for Mexican dishes. The flavors of the spices remind us of the connection and joy we have in our friendship. He even called me last night to remind me about the soccer game that would be on in ten minutes between Barcelona and Real Madrid. They tied one to one.

Mlk Rhetorical Analysis

Rhetorical Analysis of Martin Luther King’s â€Å"I Have a Dream†? The â€Å"I Have a Dream† speech has very simple diction and context. The author of the â€Å"I Have A Dream† speech is Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. King and is known for his work in Civil Rights during the late 1950s and mid1960s. The purpose of this speech is to inspire change in both white and black citizens of the United States during the Civil Rights era. The main idea of the speech is to convince both sides of the discussion that they must accept change in a non-violent yet effective way.Finally, the audience of the speech is very broad as it spans across all colors and ages however, one should note that since the speech is given in Washington, it can be assumed that the speech attempts to engage lawmaker’s and policy maker’s ears. The tone of Dr. King’s speech is somewhat narrative yet argumentative. The speech conveys many of his personal thoughts and experiences . However, there is a strong position taken against the crimes of â€Å"white† citizens and the nation as a whole, and also the victimization of African Americans as a whole.The style of the speech is very formal with some hints of informality to help gain appeal to the largely uneducated black population. The diction or word choice is comparable to other political speeches due to the fact that Dr. King must still be very persuasive with is ideas and thoughts. Yet, throughout the â€Å"I Have a Dream† speech, one may find a bit of black gospel within it. The images and the allusions are heavily religious, reminiscent of a Sunday church service. The tone is both informative and argumentative.The claims he makes are very clear: 1) American has defaulted on its promise in that all men are created equal 2) The black people of the U. S. are still not â€Å"free. † 3) Now is the time to make changes. 4) As, King suggests, â€Å"Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst f or freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred† (p. 2) People should move forward to spread the message that freedom is a part of every U. S. citizen’s life, even blacks. In terms of support, King uses biblical references along with his very overt in using his own testimony of what is happening in the United States. That one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low†¦ the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together† (p. 1). In terms of â€Å"artificial† support, King uses many different kinds of pathos. Beginning with a long allegory about Negro freedom and banking, King uses the imagery of being behind a great leader, Abraham Lincoln. One could easily make a case that the imagery is also linked to ethos, since Lincoln was the father of the Emancipation Proclamation and freed all slaves.Towards the end of the speech, there is a surge of pathos, as King discusses the brutality that the Negros have experience and the basic everyday life of the Negros who are unable to find jobs, stay in hotels, etc. Towards the absolute close of the speech, King launches into a long discussion of a possible and decent future, using images of children playing together. While the introduction of the speech comes from Lincoln, the conclusion uses lyrics from the song â€Å"America†. Additionally, he gives a sort of shout out to the people of the United States, saying: â€Å"Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York†¦Pennsylvania†¦ Colorado†¦ California† (p. 2). In the end, King closes with words from an old Negro spiritual: â€Å"Freed at last! Free at last! Thank God almighty, we are free at last† (p. 1). King’s style is unique but very easy to discuss. King’s use of ornamentation is made possible through heavy uses of the anaphora. An example of this includes his long series of â€Å"I have a dream†¦ â₠¬  statements, where he states: â€Å"I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed†¦I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judge by the color of their skin but by the content of their character† (p. 2). Further, King makes heavy use of listing. In one passage, he states: â€Å"Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina†¦ † (p. 2), which he mixes with a sort of anaphora. King uses a large allegory in the beginning of the speech, again comparing banking to the rights of black U. S. citizens. Overall, the speech is very much loaded with rhetorical techniques.King as an accomplished civil rights leader is a very talented and persuasive writer. His words are very optimistic and deliberate. He is very conscious of his audience, and he is very commanding of his wording to avoid hurting his credibility with this audience. The image I have chosen shows a group of men at a civil rights rally. All eyes, including a white man’s, are focused on Dr. King as he gives a speech promoting a higher equality for black citizens of America. There are signs in the background that say â€Å"full employment†, but the most powerful aspect f the picture is that there is a white man and a black man holding hands. The symbolism in which they are holding hands is incredibly powerful. At first thought people believe that all white men are against the idea of blacks having an equal opportunity, and for the most part that is true, but the fact that they are holding hands at a public speech is very powerful. I have a dream speech text I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a grea t beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, ye s, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked â€Å"insufficient funds. † But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, â€Å"When will you be sat isfied? † We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating â€Å"For Whites Only†. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.Some of you have come from areas wher e your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: â€Å"We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal. † I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be abl e to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black irls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, â€Å"My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring. † And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring f rom the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, â€Å"Free at last! ree at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last! † Work Cited Harrison, James H. â€Å"Ten Martin Luther King Jr. Quotes. † The Christian Science Monitor. The Christian Science Monitor, 18 Jan. 2010. Web. 20 Fe b. 2013. Kanalley, Craig. â€Å"I Have A Dream Speech (TEXT). † The Huffington Post. TheHuffingtonPost. com, 17 Jan. 2011. Web. 20 Feb. 2013. Mlk Rhetorical Analysis Rhetorical Analysis of Martin Luther King’s â€Å"I Have a Dream†? The â€Å"I Have a Dream† speech has very simple diction and context. The author of the â€Å"I Have A Dream† speech is Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. King and is known for his work in Civil Rights during the late 1950s and mid1960s. The purpose of this speech is to inspire change in both white and black citizens of the United States during the Civil Rights era. The main idea of the speech is to convince both sides of the discussion that they must accept change in a non-violent yet effective way.Finally, the audience of the speech is very broad as it spans across all colors and ages however, one should note that since the speech is given in Washington, it can be assumed that the speech attempts to engage lawmaker’s and policy maker’s ears. The tone of Dr. King’s speech is somewhat narrative yet argumentative. The speech conveys many of his personal thoughts and experiences . However, there is a strong position taken against the crimes of â€Å"white† citizens and the nation as a whole, and also the victimization of African Americans as a whole.The style of the speech is very formal with some hints of informality to help gain appeal to the largely uneducated black population. The diction or word choice is comparable to other political speeches due to the fact that Dr. King must still be very persuasive with is ideas and thoughts. Yet, throughout the â€Å"I Have a Dream† speech, one may find a bit of black gospel within it. The images and the allusions are heavily religious, reminiscent of a Sunday church service. The tone is both informative and argumentative.The claims he makes are very clear: 1) American has defaulted on its promise in that all men are created equal 2) The black people of the U. S. are still not â€Å"free. † 3) Now is the time to make changes. 4) As, King suggests, â€Å"Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst f or freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred† (p. 2) People should move forward to spread the message that freedom is a part of every U. S. citizen’s life, even blacks. In terms of support, King uses biblical references along with his very overt in using his own testimony of what is happening in the United States. That one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low†¦ the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together† (p. 1). In terms of â€Å"artificial† support, King uses many different kinds of pathos. Beginning with a long allegory about Negro freedom and banking, King uses the imagery of being behind a great leader, Abraham Lincoln. One could easily make a case that the imagery is also linked to ethos, since Lincoln was the father of the Emancipation Proclamation and freed all slaves.Towards the end of the speech, there is a surge of pathos, as King discusses the brutality that the Negros have experience and the basic everyday life of the Negros who are unable to find jobs, stay in hotels, etc. Towards the absolute close of the speech, King launches into a long discussion of a possible and decent future, using images of children playing together. While the introduction of the speech comes from Lincoln, the conclusion uses lyrics from the song â€Å"America†. Additionally, he gives a sort of shout out to the people of the United States, saying: â€Å"Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York†¦Pennsylvania†¦ Colorado†¦ California† (p. 2). In the end, King closes with words from an old Negro spiritual: â€Å"Freed at last! Free at last! Thank God almighty, we are free at last† (p. 1). King’s style is unique but very easy to discuss. King’s use of ornamentation is made possible through heavy uses of the anaphora. An example of this includes his long series of â€Å"I have a dream†¦ â₠¬  statements, where he states: â€Å"I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed†¦I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judge by the color of their skin but by the content of their character† (p. 2). Further, King makes heavy use of listing. In one passage, he states: â€Å"Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina†¦ † (p. 2), which he mixes with a sort of anaphora. King uses a large allegory in the beginning of the speech, again comparing banking to the rights of black U. S. citizens. Overall, the speech is very much loaded with rhetorical techniques.King as an accomplished civil rights leader is a very talented and persuasive writer. His words are very optimistic and deliberate. He is very conscious of his audience, and he is very commanding of his wording to avoid hurting his credibility with this audience. The image I have chosen shows a group of men at a civil rights rally. All eyes, including a white man’s, are focused on Dr. King as he gives a speech promoting a higher equality for black citizens of America. There are signs in the background that say â€Å"full employment†, but the most powerful aspect f the picture is that there is a white man and a black man holding hands. The symbolism in which they are holding hands is incredibly powerful. At first thought people believe that all white men are against the idea of blacks having an equal opportunity, and for the most part that is true, but the fact that they are holding hands at a public speech is very powerful. I have a dream speech text I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a grea t beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.This note was a promise that all men, ye s, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked â€Å"insufficient funds. † But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation.So we have come to cash this check — a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, â€Å"When will you be sat isfied? † We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one.We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating â€Å"For Whites Only†. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells.Some of you have come from areas wher e your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: â€Å"We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal. † I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be abl e to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black irls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope.With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, â€Å"My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring. † And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring f rom the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, â€Å"Free at last! ree at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last! † Work Cited Harrison, James H. â€Å"Ten Martin Luther King Jr. Quotes. † The Christian Science Monitor. The Christian Science Monitor, 18 Jan. 2010. Web. 20 Fe b. 2013. Kanalley, Craig. â€Å"I Have A Dream Speech (TEXT). † The Huffington Post. TheHuffingtonPost. com, 17 Jan. 2011. Web. 20 Feb. 2013.

Pros and Cons of European currency union Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Pros and Cons of European currency union - Essay Example One of the biggest advantages of Euro is that it saves a lot of time and effort of the travelers who choose to travel with Europe. For instance if there is a Soccer game in Spain which a Greek citizen wants to witness, he/she can just straight away catch a flight and reach the Soccer stadium in Spain and watch the game. There is no need to covert the currency into some other currency. The same has resulted in saving a lot of time and effort of the European Citizens. This was not the case prior to the introduction of Euro. The people had to exchange money every now and then to meet their demands but after the introduction things have changed for better. The introduction of Euro has brought in many significant changes in the European Economy. The most noticeable of them all is the economic integrity brought by the introduction of the Euro. The positive effects are not restricted to economy but they also positively influence the political climate in the European countries. This paper will throw light upon the benefits and the problems of the European single currency, which is Euro. In addition to this the paper will also focus upon the affect on other currencies by the present rise in the value of the Euro. "Having a single currency and an economic and monetary union strengthens Europe's role in international fora and organizations like the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development." (The Euro & You). Euro strengthens the position of all the European countries, having a single currency helps a lot in the growth of the country and in this particular case Europe on the whole. Euro is very frequently used in international trade; it has very quickly become a part and parcel of the lives of many businessmen who carry out trade at large scales. Countries also have started using Euro as the currency for International trade. "A single currency makes Europe a strong partner to trade with and facilitates access to a genuine single market for foreign companies, who will benefit from lower costs of doing business in Europe." (The Euro & You). Another major advantage is the clarity in prices whenever an European citizen travels to another European country it becomes very easy to compare and buy the products of his/her choice; this facility was not available to the citizens prior to the launch of the Euro. Earlier even if a Tourist wanted to buy a product desperately, he/she was made to think thrice about it because of the different currencies within Europe but these days there is transparency in prices with regard to the currencies and this has only happened because of the introduction of the Euro. Euro has brought in a lot of Economic and financial stability, a Businessman is much less prone to risk when using Euro as his/her currency. Single currency keeps the inflation rate under a good check, which is extremely important for an economy and the Euro does exactly that. It keeps interest rates and the rate of inflation under check hence it can be said that the Euro plays a pivotal role in maintaining the economic growth of the European nations. Problems of the European Single Currency The biggest disadvantage is that it increases the financial cost of an institution in getting adjusted to the new currency. The

Summary of chapter 13 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Summary of chapter 13 - Essay Example The nature of return, production scale and technology decides the market structure of products. The book suggests that diamond company De Beers is a best example of monopoly but monopoly does not exist in America because of legal obstacles. Oligopoly is a market structure where there is small number of large producers and is more common to be found. In monopoly, there is an upward movement of demand curve which means there is reduce quantity of product supplied. The monopolist usually raises the price of the product by reducing the output and they achieve market power. And monopoly is all about market structure. Their intention is to increase profit and hold control over economy. The monopolist create barrier to entry for other producers and there are five principles to it. They are control of scarce resource or input, increasing return to scale, technological superiority, network externality and government created barrier. The monopolist has two effects on the revenue which is quantity effect and pricing effect. The monopoly marker is a price maker and they decide the demand and price of their product. Actually in monopoly there is no substitute for the product they sell. The fundamental cause to monopoly is barrier to entry. The main example of it is De Beers according to the author. Here the government gives a single firm, the exclusive right to produce a particular good. In monopoly, there is sole producer, downward sloping curve, price maker and reduce price to increase sales. The monopolist’s marginal revenue is less than price of the good. The monopolist receives economic profits as long as price is greater than general cost. The monopolist practice price discrimination to increase their profit and recue dead weight loss. But for this, the firm must analyse the customer’s willingness to pay. The author expressed the monopoly versus perfect competition and welfare effects o f the monopoly. The chapter describes